MY REMARKS:- When I rendered this reply to a three member Bench of the Honorable Supreme Court of Pakistan,, headed by the Chief Justice of Pakistan Mr Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry himself, the three honourable Judges read the reply dilligently and it was after nearly 25 minutes that they had a brief consultation amongst themselves. The other two Honorable Judges were MrJustice Gulzar Ahmed and Mr Justice Sh. Azmat Saeed. After their brief consultation The Honorable Chief Justice of Pakistan Mr Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry addressed me by my full name and said “Mr Masood Sharif Khan Khattak we(The Honorable Court) appreciate your memory,forthrighness and straightforwardness and we accept your plea that this matter has been adjudicated long ago at the Lahore High Court(1992)”. I was then asked by the Honorable Chief Justice of Pakistan if I wanted to claim any confidentiality of my replyto which my instatnt reply was that I did not want to claim any confidentiality and that this document can be put in the public domain. Since the same then got widely reported in the print and electronic media I have also placed it on my website for posterity, for record and for the purpose of those political science students who would like to study the 1988-1999 fragile period of democracy. I will be more than pleased to respond to comments whenever they are made.
FORMER DIRECTOR GENERAL INTELLIGENCE BUREAU
MASOOD SHARIF KHAN KHATTAK’S WRITTEN REPLY OF 06 FEBRUARY 2013
RENDERED TO THE SUPREME COURT OF PAKISTAN IN SUO MOTO CASE (CIVIL MISC. APPLICATION NO. 4671/2012)
REGARDING NEWS ITEM DATED 14.03.2012 PUBLISHED BY MR. ASAD KHARRAL, REPORTER, DAILY EXPRESS TRIBUNE WITH REGARD TO WITHDRAWAL OF AMOUNTS FROM IB ACCOUNT
1. To begin with I feel that the Honourable Supreme Court will be able to see things in a better light if I put before it the political environment prevalent in the period (1988-90) during which I was in the IB as Joint Director (Internal). Towards this end some aspects of the then existing and emerging political and national landscape are explained in the succeeding paragraphs. I observed them from my ring side position. The news reporter’s aspersions based upon an increase in the Secret Service Funds allocation to the Intelligence Bureau (IB) in the years 1989-90 shall be nullified by a perusal of the contents of paragraphs 3 to 22 below.
2. Besides the political environment then prevalent it is also necessary to understand the Administrative picture. In this context I would like to state that the Intelligence Bureau is actually a Division of the Federal Government and that the DG IB is a defacto Secretary to the Government of Pakistan. The Intelligence Bureau is not notified as a Division for the purpose of secrecy (a fallacy now). The Prime Minister is the Minister-in-Charge and the DGIB, like as if he was a Federal Secretary, reports to and receives orders directly from his Minister-in-Charge who is also the Prime Minister and Chief Executive of Pakistan. In the light of this it would not be incorrect to say that the Prime Minister is, in effect, the highest intelligence officer in Pakistan on the civil side and that, therefore, the flow of secret service funds on the Prime Minister’s orders is perfectly legal and administratively proper.
Pakistan’s Transition from Dictatorship to Democracy
3. In 1988, Pakistan had been under the military dictatorship of (General Zia ul Haq) for 11 years (1977-1988). Democracy and free will had been non existent in that period and so many other adversities like the hanging of an elected Prime Minister i.e. Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto are too well known to be repeated.
4. It was on 17 August 1988 that the fatal and well known C130 air crash at Bahawalpur paved the way for the advent of democracy in Pakistan.
5. The general elections were held in October 1988 but Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto was handed over political power as late as 02 Dec 1988. The interim period was utilized for negotiations etc to somehow cobble a coalition sans Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and her PPP. The perceived threats arising out of the daughter of the executed elected Prime Minister Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto coming to power were beginning to show in this power handing process.
6. Parallel to the efforts to cobble an anti PPP coalition to take power negotiations were also being held with Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto so that in case power does, eventually, go to her and she becomes the Prime Minister she should know what would be the no go areas for her government and how she would have to accommodate selected people in important slots so that the then hitherto decade plus establishment’s say in the running of Pakistan’s policies in some sectors of national life could be carried on uninterrupted.
7. Significant amongst those people were:
a. Ghulam Ishaq Khan as President
b. Sahibzada Yaqoob Khan as Foreign Minister (Mar 1982 to Mar 1991)
c. Mr V A Jaffery. Most people believe that he was also appointed as Advisor to the Prime Minister for Finance as part of the compromise mentioned above.
8. After all efforts to cobble a coalition against Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto failed she was handed over power but not before she had a meeting with the then Chief of the Army Staff Gen Mirza Aslam Beg. The meeting was a publicized one. I am not sure but I think the incumbent President Mr Asif Ali Zardari was also present at that meeting. » Read more: Written Reply Rendered by Masood Sharif Khan Khattak to the Honorable Supreme Court of Pakistan in a Suo Moto Case Regarding Secret Service Funds Spending During His Tenure in the Intelligence Bureau as Joint Director (Internal)